OCR Interpretation

The advance. (Ogdensburgh, N.Y.) 1861-1864, May 10, 1861, Image 2

Image and text provided by Northern NY Library Network

Persistent link: http://dev.nyshistoricnewspapers.org/lccn/sn85026929/1861-05-10/ed-1/seq-2/

Thumbnail for 2
THE ADYANCE, MAY 10, 1861. SABBATH TREASURY. Ksv. L. MSRAILL MIIJJIR , April 99,1861. DEAR si u: -Many who had not the pleasure of hearing your able and patri- otic discourse last evening, express a de- alre to read it. You will obligo your many Friends and aid the cause of our common Country,, for publication. . John A. B. H. W itvo. DM P. B. 4. W. A. N. Alrlc by furnishing a copy Respcctftilly yours, Fine, Jatnt'R. . Judnon. llulhurt. . ('hanln. itttcFuxtfk. Hopkins, Hhrrnian. M. Hcrrlman. BlUah White. B.II. Var;. HniUh StlllwAll. C. P* dvor. W. B.'OnoM Ii. A. Pierce. K M. Harm*. Stillman Foot«> I. L. Hrjrinour, Brown. April 80,1061 To Meur*. J. FIMB, A. B. JAM 10 and other*. wits :- Your note asking for a copy of my wnnon preached last Sabbath evening has just come to hand. Yielding to your judgment and wishes I herewith transmit it with tho desire that it may aid your patriotic effort* in behalf of our beloved Country in tljiaday of her peril. Yours truly, L. MERRILL MIM-EH. THE UNION-• A BLESSING. IT MUST BE PRESERVED. ik S K. K M O 1ST . HY HEV. L. MEURrr,L Mlf.LRR. Dentroy it not ; Tor a hlc^iug in in it.—Utah, 66; H. Periods occur in the history of indi- viduals when tliorr destiny for life and eteruily may be decided by the determi- nations and actions of an hour. At such a time, whntever may lw the occasion, whether civil, political or moral, in which that person's interest is bound, he in under imperative obligations to consid- er and weigh his duty conscientiously and religiously. In like manner occasions arise, when tho future of a nation, and even its rjrist- enct hung suspended on the decisions and Actions of a day. Then the duties of the Patriot are to be measured by the stand- ard of the Christian. Questions of civil policy ami political action become emi- nently religious. They are to IKJ de- cided by the voice of duty and the law of (Jon. We are to carry them on our kneos to the family altar, and into our retreats of silent communing and secret prayer.— Then it becomes the Pulpit to speak in ail the wisdom it can command, and with all the Christian love and fervor and in- tegrity it cun eierciso and cherish. Such a period is upon us to-day. Our Nation- al existence is imperilled. The complete dismemberment of these United States is threatened. A principle is inaugurated which would resolve this great nationali- ty, so honorable, HO powerful, and so prosjM'rous in the eyes of the wholo world, into an indefinite numl>er of petty con- federacies, no oue of which could reason- ably expect long-continued peace at home or respect abroad. Not only is the wel- fare and happiness of the country invad- ed, but, what is of eminent importance to the child of Ood, the general interests of the Church of Christ arc distracted, and the progress of his kingdom delayed. We therefore use the language of the text, similarly to its application to the Jewish people^and say of our Union : \ Destroy it not; for a blessing is in it.\ Let us consider the subject thus introduc- ed by showing, first, The blessing in the Union of the United States; second, Itcgard its impending destruction; third, Our duty to prevent. I. There is a blessing Involved in the existence of this Government and in the perpetuity of our Union. This blessing rises before us, us great and rich ami varied, challenging all our powers oflan- guago to suggest or indicate it. The American Nation has not ex|K»rienced an existence of four score years since its recognition after a long and bloody struggle of seven years, and when its inhabitants nil told numbered only three millions, and when heavy debts and delicate questions of consolidation encumbered it. Nevertheless, under the genial influences of our Republican form of Government and the signal endorse- ment of Divine Providence, we have reached a prosperity unparalleled in the history of all the nations of the world.— Our numbers have swelled to over thirty millions. Our possessions extend from the broad Atlantic to the great Pacific. They arc washed by the clear, cold waters of the Northern Lakes and the St. Law- rence on the one hand, and the warmly flowing Gulf-tides on the South. Count- less millions of wealth are scattered over this great district, and everywhere peace and gladness, utitil a few days since, pre- vailed. The sound of the viol and harp were universally heard Men went whither they pleased. TJicy gathered in churches and worshipped at the beck of no voice except tho voice of God, and the call of their own conscience. Tho press was unfettered, and men sat under their own vine* and fig trees, with none to molest of make them afraid. Our ports and privileges and strong guaran- tees were open to tho strangers of all nations, and the wearied and discontent- ed and oppressed of many tongues and climes flocked thither for rest and laugh- ed with pure delight under the shadows of our free institutions. Wherever the prows of our vessels ploughed distant waters, or the stars and stripes floated in foreign ports, princes and merchants have paid our country homage and blessed the noble Jtttg as the harbinger of Freedom.— Our citizens travelling on a foreign soil have spoken with impassioned pride of the security and respect paid to them be- cause they had their birth in the United States of America. Now all this is prosperity unprecedent- ed and marvellous, to IK? accorded to and enjoyed by a nation which has been ac- knowledged among the nations not yet quite eighty years. Still all this has been an actual existence. The thirty-four United States of America were crowned with it as with a garland of bays and re- joiced in it as a Queen, honored and loved above all the nobility of the earth. In- strumental ly, under Providence, this is the fruit of our Republican institutions. This growth has been fostered and cher- ished under the benign influences of the Union. We have thought too little and been too little grateful for the blessings thus secured to us. The burdens of the Government have weighed upon us so lightly and been spread out over so broad a surface that we have been scarce- ly conscious of their presence, and have hardly realized through what channels they have come to us. And perhaps for that reason we have been led to speak of them lightly, blindly to tamper with them and recklessly seek to embitter the springs from whence they flow. If the thirteen original States had chosen to re- main independent and to construct their own individual fortunes, irrespective of a solemn contract to make their destiny one and indivisible, surely no such prosperity could have been possible. Their union has been their strength. The liberal pol- icy and strong arm of the general gov- ernment have given us our prestige and our peace and plenty. Undoubtedly God has used these as the source of our great blessings. And, while it is painful- ly and sadly true that we have forgotten properly to acknowledge Him as the au- thor of our benefits, still it is equally true hat without this Union and this liberal Government these things could never have been. Great therefore is the blessing in it. It is a blessing to have had the origin and ancestry that belong to this Republic. Our Fathers came hero under the impuls- s of a pure conscience, and with the sol- inn intent of establishing a free govern- ment, securing to all \ Life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness,\ granting free- loin to cherish and utter their own opin- ons, ami to worship God without the re- straint of an oligarchy or a despotism.— They founded the Republic on the prin- iples of an open Bible, reared itd super- structure with prayer when it became nccesssary, cemented its bones with their >lood. They were a noble galaxy of men from the beginning. And no Nation can point to a monumental record ifvith so much just pride as can we, when on it we read in letters of living light such names as Washington, Adams, Living- ston and Witherspoon, the eloquent Hen- y, Hamilton, Jefferson and Clay, the owering Wclwter, our own beloved Wright and the inflexible Jackson, with Franklin and Fulton, and Whitney and Morse, who has taught us to speak to each other, though thousands of miles away, in lightning words our love and union. Many like these names have giv- en to the Union their most ardent love, and genius and lives. It is a record that shall span all earth's eternity, and shino conspicuous and of the first magnitude amid all it* constellations. It is, too, no small blessing that the rights of the individual citizen are res- pected, however hwuble they may bc,and that the choice of their Rulers is the privilege and honor guaranteed to all the people. It is here publicly acknowledged tliat the private citizen has the right of petition and remonstrance against what- ever ho really believes to be oppressive and injurious in the administration of Government. The word of God speaks of the right to elect our rulers as a great privilege. \Their nobles shall bo of thcmtclvoa, and their Governors shall pro- ceed from the midst of them. This is a privilege, which, though all nations have desired, very few have ever enjoyed.— Many an evanescent struggle has been made for it, and millions of men have in vain poured out their heart's blood to o!>- tain it. Hut hero this privilege is enjoy- ed in the largest degree. Our civil gov- ernment is the only one in the world which is completely elective, and thus gives to the masses of the people, from the highest to the lowest;, the right of ut- tering their wishes in regard to the person who shall rule over them without the least restraint. And the will of the majority expressed silently at tho ballot-box be- comes the law of the land, and the utter- ance of its might And its desire. Then has not this union of States, in our noble Republican form of govern- ment, a blessing in it ? Who shall sound its depths ? Who shall tell us in words the sum of its influence for good at home and abroad '! How will you too much magnify its growing position among the principalities of men ? What great bloodless victories are achieved by its commerce, its moral force among the na- tions, and the aid it gives to the glorious cause of missions and the kingdom of Christ in the earth ? God has signally honored us by the repeated outpouring of his Holy Spirit. He has largely built up the church of Christ, and through it sent hundreds to foreign lands to carry in glad words the messages of the ever- lasting gospel. Who can tell the good thus accomplished I We have no arith- metic to measure the blessing conveyed to us and the world in these things. Nor have we on the other hand powers of computation to announce the guilt and crime of disintegrating this Union, thus constituted, and destroy this great bless- ing—dashing ifs cup of gladness with bitter bowls, and giving .all our dear rights, privileges and expectations over to utter disappointment, dismay and death. u Destroy it not; for a blessing s in it.\ \ Who would never Freedom'* shrine ? Who should draw the Invtdioua line r Though by birth, one upot bo mine, Dear in all the rent ; Dear to roe the Houth's fair land, Dear the emit nil mountain band, * By ont altar*, pure and free, By our Law'a deep-rooted tree, By tho past dread memory, By our Washington ; By our common parent tongue,' By onr hopca, bright, buoyant, young, By the tide of country Ktroni; Wo will still !><• one/' \ ftroat Ood f we thank thce for thin home, Thin bountcoug birth land of the fruc, Where wanderer* from afar may come. And breathe the air of Liberty ! Still niny her flower* uiitnunpled spring, Her hurvent'* wave,\ her citle» rlne; And yet. till time ohnll fold her wing. Kemalii enrth'u lovelieist paradise !\ The destruction of this Government is threatened if the dissolution of the Union is inaugurated. I have now no partizan words to utter. I speak from the feelings of my love to the Union, as a Christiun minister who beholds in tho powers that IKJ the ordinance and voice pf Ood. I am also well aware that in tlie heat of de- bate and the strife of passion, many pro- vocations have been uttered, and enacted, and reciprocated by purtizans and ex- tremists, North as well as South. Much bitterness has been caused by these things, yet at the same time I believe that for these neither the Republican nor the Dem- ocratic parties, as such, arc responsible. The treasonable doctrine of SECESSION belongs to a party that demoralized and broke up the Democratic party both at Charlestonnnd Baltimore, and only seized as tho true and lame apology for treason the occasion of the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency to be the period for in- augurating their work. President Jack- son said, years ago, after he had quelled nullification, which was raised about the riir in South Carolina, that the Tariff was not the came, it was simply the ttrm- sion of Rebellion, and then added that the effort will bo made again by-and-by, and the question of dattry will then l>e made the pretext lor secession. So that the attempt to dissolve the Union is no new thing. The leaders in it have been quietly and in their own way preparing forltfor yean. Three years since, during my aojourn in Kentucky, a gentleman of that State boastingly said tliat in two years' time the South would inaugurate a general war for this very purpose. Hence in Kentucky last week a Union gentleman of distinguished ability and influence said that in their work of secession the ultra- politicians of the South were impelled by a life-long hatred of the Union; and by their action rendered the election of the Northern candidates inevitable, and then uml the event of their election to produce hatred of the North and to precipitate \State after State into the surging vortex of dissolution. In keeping with this de- claration of facts the Kentucky Tribune printed last week in Danville, says: \ We regard the late assault upon Fort Sumter an an act of unjustifiable aggression, an act of war, deserving the severest repre- hension and the severest punishment;\ and a recent speech of a member of Con- gress from the South takes the position and proves conclusively that'' there is no right which either an individual or a State can ask but what is granted by the Federal Government, and that to consider secession as a remedy for any evil com- plained of by our Southern rights friends is fallacious, and a step in tho dark that will inevitably precipitate u» all into one common destruction.\ So that we must understand at the North, as it is openly avowed at the South, that the real design of the leaders in this relwllibn against the Government, is the ruin of the United States, and the .forma- tion of another confederacy, established on a different basis, and having for its aim different designs and objects. It is es- timated in certain quarters, so that we cannot misundcrstund it, that many de- sire a Government with more centraliza- tion of power and less of the representa- tive element—a pure oligarchy—where the few r,ule the many, with no voice of theirs in the matter. And on the part of others it is openly avowed, notwithstand- ing its denial iu certain quarters, that the perpetuity and prosperity of the new con- federacy are to be augmented by the re- opening of the slave trade; and thus in the cheaper production of cotton, and by an unlimited free trade, they l>clieve the new confederacy would l>ecomc rich and prosperous beyond all competition.— Neither of these objects could be obtained in the Union, therefore with desperate madness they would obliterate all traces of tho Union at tho South, seize its forts and arsenals, its bullion and navy, and desecrate its flag. Now they throw out the threat that they will occupy or des- troy the Federal capital, and drive the Administration to some retreat in the North, if perchance they cannot destroy it utterly. Shall all this be done? This Union belongs to the people. Shall we, in whose hands its existence and safety arc reposed, stand by and submit to such aa attack upon all that belongs to us in the Union, and under the folds of the Stars and Stripes ? Wo arc not prepared for this. The old spirit of our Fathers is not RO quenched within us. We are not BO far removed from the memory of Wash- ington, the heroes of 7(J and the stirring tale8ofthe Revolution. But someone replies—\ Why not allow the South to go its own way i In the Union there will IK; a constant irritation and conflict with them on questions grow- ing out of slavery, so that a wise and peaceful policy calls for a separation. To this, doubtless, conservative men would long since have agreed. But this is not the question now at issue. We presume that if the Cotton States, or even the en- tire body of the Slave States, had really desired and asked for a separate confeder-* acy, the great l>ody of the Northern peo- ple would say at once, \let them have it,\ though deep might be the sorrow and sincere the regret to witness their depar- ture. But if this is really desired, how shall it bo effected ? It can be done by a Convention of ull the States called to alter the Constitution agreeably to its provisions. This would be honorable and peaceful. As the Union began iu co- operation—-where the voice of all the peo- ple has been heard through their repre- sentatives—so its dissolution can bo righteously effected in no otjier way. But the South has never asked for such a con- vention, and we Iwlicve, if allowed a free xpression of their opinions, they would not vote to call such a convention. The leaders at the South are scrupulously un- willing to submit anything important to their vote. A second way in which a dissolution could be effected would be by Revolution, and tlds, if justified by proper considera- tion, would be right and virtuous.— The Gulf States, however, have not put themselves on. this right, and have never complained of a grievance which cannot better be adjusted in the Union than out of it. There is but oue other plan of dissolu- tion which is by secession, and which, un- fortunately, the Gulf States have seen fit to adopt. We cannot submit to or recog- nize this action without self-destruction on the part of the whole Union. The doctrine of Secession assumes that we are not a nation, and have no right to exer- cise its functions if a State chooses to se- cede from its bonds. This idea is mon- strous and fearful. It is opposed to the declarations of our most eminent states- men and to the unanimous action of both North aud South in past legislation. Mr. Madison, who drafted the Virginia State Rights Rcsolfitions, was sternly opposed to the doctrine of Secession. Similar re- solutions were passed in Kentucky in 1790. Dr. R. J. Breckinridgc recently said expressly that any ordinance of Se- cession pawed by the Legislature or Con- vention of any State is null and void; and William Collins, Esq., of Baltimore, in his recent address to the people of Maryland, uses the same language. The indi$8olubility of the Union by Secession was declared even in the articles of the old confederation. The present Constitu- tion was adopted to effect a more perfect Union.' How, then, can we assume the right of Secession which resolves the United States into a rope of sand ? Henry Clay, who has been called \ the Henry the Fourth of our Republic,\ asserted that \allegiance to the Union was a higher and more sacred duty than allegiance to any individual State,\ and it has been well said, that the. doctrine of Secession throws the whole country into chaos. If one State may secede, any other may. If Florida, at the extremity of the Union, may go off aud connect herself with a foreign nation, and thus command the Gulf of Mexico, so may Ohio, in the ceu- tre of the Union. If Louisiana may se- cede and obtain exclusive command of the mouth of the Mississippi, she thereby assumes the right not only of disposing of her own interests, but of controlling the whole Mississippi basin. Should Rhode Island go out of the Union and give her- self to Great Britain, then an English fleet in the harbor of Newport would have command of the whole commerce of the United States, North of the Delaware. Legally and morally, these ordinances of secession are null and void, and should be so regarded and pronounced. Surely the people of this country are never going to submit to such a process of disintegra- tion. They will never give up their life in this way. Death in some other way is preferable. If we were persuaded that the entire South were so blind to law and justice as to sanction such a doctrine, then so far from acquiescing in it, it would be- coine us to resort to all possible means to save our national existence and pre- vent the onslaught of intolerable wrongs. We have already well-nigh submitted to it too long. By forbearance on the part of the Federal Government, and vain at- tempts at conciliation and long delay to resort to arms, treason has grown strong, and the advances of rebellion become boastful and formidable. If we now de- lay or linger, we shall l>e stranded by the fury of the gathering storm, and the mon- uments, and labors, and accumulations of many prosperous years will be scattered to the winds beyond recovery. What shall we do ? The text says, ** Destroy it not.\ We are £o regard the danger as imminent and great, and arouse ourselves to immediate and summary action. The time for mere talking is past. Wo have no choice.or election in the case. The issue is thrown upon us, and we must stand up for the Union, or it will be thrown down. Tho last President did not seem to apprehend such an cxtrgnie of danger. President Lincoln, also, seems to have lxjen reluc- tant to admit it But the sad issue has come and stares us in the face. The ne- essity of meeting it now cannot be averted. Hence, old party lines are pro- perly abandoned. And there should be one rallying cry, \ For the Union and the Stars and Stripes,\ until sc is presented on the field of heavy a Wow directed, th and misinformed brethren •hall understand that we earnest, and are ready po COL to the care of the God of I institutions, our hearthsto precious inheritance. In •: our highest safety now lies. wil be shed And more profl utary peace will follow. Beholding how aggreasi and powerful this fooling of become, I have been sick at its progress under the fear no Union, no Government, should all drift away at the storm. And when our Pre spoke, announcing that a danger had reached the Cap heart sunk like lead in the call for aid would not find response. When recently I r Secretary of Legation had be in Japan, and one of our Cor in the streets of Rome, I trei honor and the security of property abroad. It has be on foreign shores and among losophers, that our uncxarr from a few weak colonies to populous Republic, from our poverty and heavy indebtedn of great wealth and cxpandc and strife for gain, that the sj patriotism would likely dis that before the aggressions and the assaults of war, eve liberties of our native land * would sooner submit to an peace than a bloody victor give thanks to God that our have been groundless. In the money which have been pour water, in the quick tramp of of volunteers, in the readiness fathers and mothers have g sons, ardent for the Union—in of all parties, and the respo and poor, and of those who 1 counsels of state, as well as the led, in all this we behold tl country and patriotism are n When hundreds of mothers wJ licately brought up their som hood in New-York can give on and three, and four of them wi speed you !\ to the tented fiek turn back to meet daily aroun lie altar of the sanctuary, tc God's blessing upon them— from all our villages and ch our own, our very communicai lying to the standard of the coi all these churches are rcmembe in prayer, there is room and g hope. But the conflict we n. fear has only begun. Our dut just commenced in this new f us now speak kindly and for of the Government. By all our let us sustain it. Let us cherish toward any—yield to no spirit recrimination over the past—f difficulties—speak kindly to an other. Let those that can be re* at the call of the Government, i that remain at home bear their c Lerus pray for our country !N South, und commend it eontii God. Pray for onr rulers that have wisdom and courage to k discharge their whole duty, Ar we pray for our volunteers (the nicants who have gone from our ( the noble sons who have gone- families—4he whole-souled men * left our homes at a moment's call not forget to pray for tlie brethr whom we differ and with wlion joined at issue—that God in who arc all our hearts—may cause us at each other again soon in pear strike bands once more and f< brethren. Let us give ourselves and constantly to the divine d. No one can now, unaided by Go Providcnee and spirit, tell what t is best things should take in the ment ultimately before us. Hua dom is inadequate to the occa&ior powerless over the problem of thi. But one thing we are sure can be, can issue this state of things exce to the honor of his Son. And f im to do this.\ Let us ever rer and urge this plea. Let us w:' earnestness do the right as con* and opportunity bid us and say w ancient leader of Israel: \ In tht put I my trust, \ I will not fear neali can do unto me,'' solemr membering our constitutional Cc as members of these U. S., and oi ritual allegiance to the King of 2 and Saints, may we like one Epfanbu* nnum, serve God with hearts and all our trust and do o for our country that its blessed may be strengthened, and its fra and peace, and Liberty and Uni<; be preserved for ages to come. u E it not; for a blessing is in it.\ r '•.,

xml | txt